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Climate and market shocks impact on the livelihood strategies of families in Altiplano communities. A household survey of 360 families in the Altiplano sheds light how families participate in markets, cope with climate and market shocks, and their feelings of control over these events. Theory proposes that the higher levels of capitals and climate resilient activities will result in a greater sense of control and therefore lower sense of dread. Cluster analysis identified three groups by wealth and life cycle characteristics in each region, as well as clear differences in income, assets, and market production activities between and within regions. Coping strategies in region facing warming and drying trends has focused on loss of assets, such as sales of animals. While in both regions there is diversity of income sources, the major source of diversity in Ancoraimes is crop varieties. While in both regions climatic shocks have had a negative impact on production, this has been experienced in Ancoraimes by 99 to 100 percent of the families, which has implications in terms of coping mechanism that rely on community networks. The other region has also experienced high rates of production shocks, from 71 to 92 percent of household members in each group. Strategies to diversify to climate resilient activities have resulted in increased off farm activities, mostly migration, in the lower income, lower asset region, while the greater assets in livestock, which face a more stable market and ability to withstand climate shocks presents a bifurcated response. Comparison between groups identified in the clusters for each region found no significant differences between groups on climate shock and climate change perceptions, in both regions. The rating on the risk of climate shock hazards at the household level was above 4 in a scale of 1-5 where 4 meant a very high threat and 5 an extreme threat. Umala households ratings were higher for the shocks than for change in climate with an average of 3.79 for the latter, while in Ancoraimes most of the risks were rated from 3.70 to 3.92, with the exception of climate change that was around 4. Overall though, in both regions climate hazard perceptions are high. Market risks are also considered a threat but rated lower than climate. Dread of losing outside networks of support was ranked high by elderly men and women, as well as the change in climate, in Umala, with no differences in Ancoraimes, but higher rates of dread overall do to the significance of this income in their livelihood strategies. Finding to date are consistent with theory, in that the dread, a reflection of the coping or lack of coping mechanisms, is higher in terms of markets for livestock in Umala, and higher in terms of loss of remittances from family members in Ancoraimes. The study finds that coping mechanism are based on individual household strategies, rather than community or institutions. LTRA-4 (Practices and Strategies for Vulnerable Agro-Ecosystems)

Sweeping changes are beginning to transform energy scenarios around the world. The gas revolution, a renaissance in petroleum technology and exploration, and a chaotic but powerful movement toward the goal of low-carbon economies are three of the principal energy trends currently interacting with structural changes in the geo-economics of the Atlantic world to present new perspectives and opportunitiesfor the diverse actors in the ‘Atlantic Basin’. This article explores how changes in the energy landscape are contributing to a reassessment of the strategic horizon. The potential impacts of the shale revolution, deep-offshore oil, biofuels and other modern renewable energies on the geopolitics of the Atlantic Basin will be assessed, and the hypothesis that an Atlantic Basin energy system is now taking shape will be evaluated, along with an analysis of anticipated impacts.

The amount of energy and food consumed in Puerto Rico is more indicative of a developed nation than one than is underdeveloped. All the energy consumed in Puerto Rico is from fossil fuels, while the agricultural sector marginally provides the needs of the consumer. In addition, the animal production sectors rely exclusively on imported feedstock for the preparation of feeds. There is a potential to develop an ethanol industry based initially on sugarcane, as the main feedstock and then turn to biomass from energy cane and or organic solid waste in the future. In order to move to the second generation of ethanol production, the cellulosic ethanol industry has to become economically viable. A limiting factor in the use of sugarcane is that only 40,000 ha are currently available to grow this crop. Potentially, Puerto Rico can produce 200 million liters of ethanol on this area which could substitute 5% of the gasoline that was consumed in 2007. On the other hand, biomass could be obtained from bagasse, energy cane, and from 1.3 metric tons of organic solid waste (food and yard waste) produced annually on the island. This strategy can provide a relief to decreasing the amounts of organic solid waste that end up in the landfills.