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The aim of this study was to identify the attitudes of the public in the United States and in 12 European countries towards foreign policy issues and transatlantic issues. The survey concentrated on issues such as: United States and European Union (EU) leadership and relations, favorability towards certain countries, institutions and people, security, cooperation and the perception of threat including issues of concern with Afghanistan, Iran, and Russia, energy dependence, economic downturn, and global warming, Turkey and Turkish accession to the EU, promotion of democracy in other countries, and the importance of economic versus military power. Several questions asked of respondents pertained to voting and politics including whether they discussed political matters with friends and whether they attempted to persuade others close to them to share their views on politics which they held strong opinions about, vote intention, their assessment of the current United States President and upcoming presidential election, political party attachment, and left-right political self-placement. Demographic and other background information includes age, gender, race, ethnicity, religious affiliation and participation, age when stopped full-time education and stage at which full-time education completed, occupation, number of people aged 18 years and older living in the household, type of locality, region of residence, prior travel to the United States or Europe, and language of interview. computer-assisted personal interview (CAPI); computer-assisted telephone interview (CATI); paper and pencil interview (PAPI)The original data collection was carried out by TNS, Fait et Opinion -- Brussels on request of the German Marshall Fund of the United States.The codebook and setup files for this collection contain characters with diacritical marks used in many European languages.A split ballot was used for one or more questions in this survey. The variable SPLIT defines the separate groups.For data collection, the computer-assisted face-to-face interview was used in Poland, the paper and pencil interview was used in Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia and Turkey, and the computer-assisted telephone interview was used in all other countries.Additional information on the Transatlantic Trends Survey is provided on the Transatlantic Trends Web site. (1) Multistage random sampling was implemented in the countries using face-to-face interviewing. Sampling points were selected according to region, and then random routes were conducted within these sampling points. Four callbacks were used for each address. The birthday rule was used to randomly select respondents within a household. (2) Random Digit Dialing was implemented in the countries using telephone interviewing. Eight callbacks were used for each telephone number. The birthday rule was used to randomly select respondents within a household. The adult population aged 18 years and over in 13 countries: Bulgaria, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Smallest Geographic Unit: country Response Rates: The total response rate for all countries surveyed is 23 percent. Please refer to the "Technical Note" in the ICPSR codebook for additional information about response rate. Please refer to the "Technical Note" in the ICPSR codebook for further information about weighting. Datasets: DS1: Transatlantic Trends Survey, 2008

We provide a dataset from a household survey in Mpanda region in Western Tanzania (N = 137) that was conducted in 2011. Household heads (or replacements) were interviewed. The topics addressed covered a broad range of socio-economic data and including, among others, household information (number of household members, age, sex, religion etc.), agricultural production (e.g. crops produced and livestock owned) including number and size of plots, income generation, energy access and owned assets.

The PRIMAP-hist Socio-Eco dataset combines several published datasets to create a comprehensive set of population and Gross domestic product (GDP) pathways for every country covering the years 1850 to 2017, and all UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) member states, as well as most non-UNFCCC territories. The data has no sector resolution. List of datasets included in this data publication: (1) PMHSOCIOECO21_GDP_26-Jul-2019.csv: contains the GDP data for all countries(2) PMHSOCIOECO21_Population_26-Jul-2019.csv: contains the population data for all countries(3) PRIMAP-hist_SocioEco_data_description.pdf: including CHANGELOG(all files are also included in the .zip folder) When using this dataset or one of its updates, please cite the DOI of the precise version of the dataset. Please consider also citing the relevant original sources when using the PRIMAP-hist Socio-Eco dataset. See the full citations in the References section further below. A data description article is in preparation. Until it is published we refer to the description article of the PRIMAP-hist emissions time series for the methodology used. SOURCES: - UN World Population Prospects 2019 (UN2019)- World Bank World Development Indicators 2019 (July) (WDI2019B). We use the *NY.GDP.MKTP.PP.KD* variable for GDP.- Penn World Table version 9.1 (PWT91). We use the *cgdpe* variable for GDP (Robert and Feenstra, 2019; Feenstra et al., 2015)- Maddison Project Database 2018 (MPD2018). We use the *cgdppc* variable for GDP (Bolt et al,, 2018)- Anthropogenic land use estimates for the Holocene – HYDE 3.2 (HYDE32)(Klein Goldewijk, 2017)- Continuous national gross domestic product (GDP) time series for 195 countries: past observations (1850–2005) harmonized with future projections according to the Shared Socio-economic Pathways (2006–2100) (Geiger2018, Geiger and Frieler, 2018)Full references are available in the data description document. Methods:Country resolved data is combined from different sources using the PRIMAP emissions module (Nabel et. al., 2011). It is supplemented with growth rates from regionally resolved sources and numerical extrapolations.

In the face of increasingly frequent extreme weather events, the need to manage climate risk becomes more urgent, especially for the most vulnerable countries and communities. With the aim of reducing vulnerability, climate risk transfer in the form of climate risk insurance (CRI) has been gaining attention in climate policy discussions. When properly designed, CRI acts as a safety net against climate change impacts by providing financial support after an extreme weather event. Two main types of insurance enable payouts: indemnity (traditional) insurance or predefined parameters (index-based) insurance. Individuals, groups, or even governments may take out policies with either type of insurance and receive payouts directly (insurer to beneficiary payout) or indirectly (insurer to aggregator to beneficiary payout). Direct insurance is usually implemented at the micro-level with individual policyholders. Indirect insurance is usually implemented through group contracts at the meso-level through risk aggregators and at the macro-level through the state. While promising, risk transfer in the form of CRI also has its share of challenges. Within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the lack of accessibility and affordability of CRI for poor and vulnerable groups have been identified as barriers to uptake. In light of climate justice, asking the poor and climate-vulnerable groups - most of whom do not contribute substantially to anthropogenic climate change - to solely carry the financial burden of risk transfer is anything but just. Employing a human rights-based approach to CRI may ensure that the resilience of poor and climate-vulnerable groups is enhanced in a climate-just manner. Indigenous peoples are some of the poorest and most climate vulnerable groups. Often marginalised, they rarely have access to social protection. The strong communal relationship of indigenous peoples facilitates their participation in community-based organisations (CBOs). CBOs are a suitable vehicle for meso-insurance, in which risk is aggregated and an insurance policy belongs to a group. In this way, CBOs can facilitate service provision that would otherwise be beyond the reach of individuals. Conclusions of this briefing paper draw on a conceptual analysis of meso-insurance and the results of field research conducted in March 2018 with indigenous Palaw’ans in the Philippines. We find that CRI needs to be attuned to the differential vulnerabilities and capacities of its beneficiaries. This is particularly true for poor and vulnerable people, for whom issues of accessibility and affordability need to be managed, and human rights and pro-poor approaches need to be ensured. In this context, meso-insurance is a promising approach when it provides accessibility and affordability and promotes a pro-poor and human rights-based approach of risk transfer by: Properly identifying and involving target beneficiaries and duty-bearers by employing pro-poor and human rights principles. Employing measures to improve the financial literacy of target beneficiaries. Designing insurance models from the bottom up. Briefing Paper

Due to the prevailing economic crisis, Argentina has been facing a growing number of informal workers, many of them urban recyclers. Following the Covid-19 pandemic and the associated decline in formal employment, this number can be expected to rise even further. Increased recycling activity is, in principle, a positive development. However, the working conditions of urban recyclers often do not correspond to the ILO definition of “decent work”. It is therefore important to ask how the recycling system in Argentina can be shaped to be socially sustainable, as well as environmentally and economically sustainable. Based on qualitative stakeholder interviews, our research aimed to collect and synthesise the ideas and expectations of a diverse set of actors in the recycling sector of Buenos Aires City and selected municipalities of Buenos Aires Province. This enabled us to identify four key areas of dispute and potential action. First, work in urban recycling is a form of social safety net in Argentina, as in many countries with persistent poverty. This can lead to a trade-off between maintaining the social function of the sector and subjecting it to the kinds of efficiency requirements placed on other sectors. Given the inherent power asymmetries between large companies and individual urban recyclers, the latter may be crowded out once the sector becomes profitable. Second, it is important to avoid viewing urban recyclers as recipients of charity. By re-introducing materials into the resource cycle and reducing pressure on landfills, they create positive externalities and offer a valuable service to society. Paying urban recyclers for the service component of their work in addition to the value of the raw materials collected would constitute a significant step towards ensuring both decent incomes and broad social recognition of the workers’ value. Third, the knowledge and experience gathered by urban recyclers holds great potential for grassroots innovations, such as making productive use of materials that do not currently have a market. With the cooperation of other actors, such as universities, and the provision of resources and support via the removal of red tape, these innovators could more easily employ their ideas to the benefit of society. Fourth, as a cross-cutting issue, all solutions aimed at unlocking the potential of urban recycling for a transition of the waste sector towards economic, ecological and social sustainability require a careful navigation of the political economy dimension. Constellations of interests have led to incentives that are, in many cases, not conducive to economic efficiency and bind resources that could otherwise be used to improve recycling schemes. Reform of these incentives requires a careful analysis of power constellations and potential change coalitions. Discussion Paper

IDOS Policy Brief

In the debates over environmental impacts on migration, migration as adaptation has been acknowledged as a potential risk management strategy based on risk spreading and mutual insurance of people living spatially apart: migrants and family members that are left behind stay connected through a combination of financial and social remittances, joint decision-making and mutual commitment. Conceptualizing migration as adaptation through the lens of translocal livelihood systems enables us to identify the differentiated vulnerabilities of households and communities. COVID-19 and the restrictions on public life and mobility imposed by governments worldwide constituted a complex set of challenges for translocal systems and strategies, especially in the Global South. Focusing on examples, we highlight two points: first, the COVID-19 crisis shows the limits of migration and translocal livelihoods for coping with, and adapting to, climate and environmental risks. Second, as these restrictions hit on a systemic level and affect places of destination as well as origin, the crisis reveals specific vulnerabilities of the translocal livelihood systems themselves. Based on the translocal livelihoods approach, we formulate insights and recommendations for policies that move beyond the narrow, short-term focus on the support of migrant populations alone and address the longer-term root causes of the vulnerabilities in translocal livelihoods systems. Advances in Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 16 No. 1 (2023): The COVID-19 Pandemic, (Im)Mobilities, and Migration in Southeast Asia

Located in West Africa, Senegal is classified as a least-developed country that has historically had political stability and slow economic growth compared to the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). However, from 2012 onward, a new government has adopted new policies (infrastructure investments, liberalization of the groundnut sector and opening of the energy sector) to enhance economic growth and governance. Senegal thus experienced significant improvements in the period from 2012 to 2015. Future economic growth in Senegal can be significantly shaped by the energy sector regarding the recent oil and gas discoveries if the common resource curse can be avoided. The country is characterized by a poverty rate of 38 percent and fairly stable food security, with only 7.2 percent of the population being food insecure. However, some localized pockets of acute food needs remain. This is in part linked to agricultural production (the main source of income and labor), which depends highly on climatic hazards. Moreover, production resources such as land are highly vulnerable to climatic and anthropogenic factors. The country has a good access rate to electricity and safe water. However, access to electricity is unequal, with rural lagging behind urban areas. The country thus faces many challenges that threaten its economic growth: climate change and ensuring the accessibility and affordability of energy and land, which are key inputs to the main sectors of the economy such as agriculture. This report aims at investigating these interlinked challenges through a critical literature review. Results show that concerning land, its use and cover have hardly evolved over the past, except for agricultural land, which has significantly evolved from 1975 to 2013. However, the land has degraded a lot in the past several decades with up to 63-67 percent of the arable land being subject to land degradation due to climate hazards and its uses (e.g. population growth, Agro-sylvo-pastoral practices, wind and water erosion, salinization, bush fires...). Land degradation has multiple consequences, as it impacts livelihoods by limiting the availability of vital ecosystem services, increases the risk of poverty and translates into economic losses. Land degradation is estimated to cost 9 percent of the GDP annually (996 million USD). Concerning climate change, Senegal’s climate is of the Sudano-Sahelian type, marked by the alternation of a rainy season and a dry season, whose duration varies according to the region. Rainfall and its characteristics (onset and duration) and air temperature are two factors that have changed significantly since the early 1950s and 1970s. Decreased rainfall, delayed onset of rains, reduced duration of wintering and higher temperatures have adversely affected agricultural production systems and have put some risks on food security, health and livelihoods. Projections in 2035 and 2050 will accentuate the negative impacts already observed. In the face of such challenges, several strategies have been undertaken at different levels (household, community, policy, research, etc.) to reduce the negative effects of climate shocks and land degradations. At the household level, strategies have mostly consisted of diversifying revenue sources through remittances and non-agricultural activities. At the community level, organizational dynamics have been strengthened and enabled to reduce the vulnerability of women and children, to increase access to climate information, and so on. Finally, policy responses have mainly consisted of Senegal’s efforts to develop climate change adaptation and mitigation plans and strategies to protect the vulnerable key sectors from climate change and to contribute to emission reduction at the global level. The evaluation of key policies, the Intended Nationally Determined Contribution for climate governance, the PRACAS (for agriculture and food security) and land-use policies highlights the main factors for success and failure and identifies key challenges that the government of Senegal needs to pay close attention to in order to ensure greater policy design and implementation success in the future. The main challenges are related to governance, funding and monitoring and evaluation. In terms of governance, it is important to ensure the participatory design and implementation of the policies to foster stakeholders' ownership and thus facilitate their implication. As for funding, the key is to avoid building policy objectives based on unsecured funding by making realistic plans based on already secured funding (if possible, from the national budget). Finally, in terms of monitoring and evaluation, it is key to ensure the sustained availability of good-quality statistical data to allow better targeting of areas in which to intervene, better allocation of financial resources and better assessment of gaps, progress, and impact.

IDOS Policy Brief