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Abstract One of the repercussions of the increasing price of oil in the 1970s was an increase in the size of balance of payments disequilibria throughout the world, and a rise in the need for recycling. The mechanisms through which this has been achieved are deficient in a number of ways. The introduction of a new recycling instrument — a long-term bond with the rate of interest index linked to the rate of inflation denominated in SDRs and issued by groups of developing country borrowers — would have advantages for both borrowers and leaders, would give greater stability to the international financial system, and would enhance economic development.

In Tunisia, the rural people have the smallest amounts of energy available. Their energy is used mainly for basic needs, and it often comes from noncommercial fuels, especially wood. Therefore, the rural areas are facing severe and interrelated problems of energy and environment. The environmental impacts of intensified production processes aggravate the degradation of ecologic systems. The analysis of the energy situation in rural areas of Tunisia has shown that a growing energy consumption can be expected over the entire spectrum of economic and social activities. To cope with this crisis, technologies for energy requirements should not only meet energy needs; they must also be geared to particular economic, social and environmental conditions. Technically efficient, decentralized systems for the utilization of new and renewable energy can help in this by meeting the demand for higher quality energy. This article attempts to propose precepts upon which a strategy can be formulated for a rational use of renewable energy in the rural areas.

Oil-exporting states in the Middle East and North Africa have launched reforms of long-standing energy subsidies thought to comprise an important source of legitimacy for autocratic regimes. The actions challenge enduring academic assumptions of the illegitimacy of retrenchment in polities underwritten by hydrocarbon rents. Here, I argue that a series of converging trends provided political cover for the reforms, including fiscal stress from low world oil prices, escalating regional instability, international environmental pressure, as well as untenable growth in domestic consumption of exportable commodities. While the reforms signal an important shift in state–society relations, the new policies appear to be designed to update — rather than jettison — rent-based autocratic governance.

ABSTRACTThis article explores how strategies of thinking and working politically are used by agencies within developing country governments to influence wider government agendas. It uses research on climate change mitigation in China and India to explore how government agencies seek to overcome challenges of limited capacity and competing priorities by bundling climate change together with more immediate priorities and thereby developing a coalition with an interest in achieving these objectives. The article is based on interviews conducted in China and India, as well as analysis of themes covered in the growing body of literature on the domestic politics of climate change mitigation. In both countries we found that pragmatic approaches leveraging what already exists made significant progress in putting energy efficiency on the agenda, strengthening institutional presence (in India) and delivering improvements in energy efficiency (in China). Yet, we also found that the use of these tactics had significant limitations. While there was probably no other way that the policy space given to climate change mitigation could have increased so rapidly, there are significant side effects that arise as a result of the traction gained by these initial policy approaches. While bundling raised the profile of energy efficiency, it also created perverse incentives that highlight the need to consider the long‐term effect on the interests, capacity and sustainability of informal coalitions. We highlight the need to take account of both the short‐ and long‐term effects of thinking and working politically, and the challenges of doing so when the outcomes are unpredictable and inherently difficult to assess.

As dual‐earner families have become the norm, the different kinds of ‘time’ children spend with parents has become an important issue. We use the 2000 Time Use Survey to identify adolescent children spending time alone at home, and interviews with 50 children aged 14 and 15 to explore young people's experiences. We investigate their views on their situations, appropriate domestic responsibilities and how they manage their time. We suggest that simple parental presence or absence is not necessarily the main issue for children. However, parental employment may be problematic for some adolescent children.

INTRODUCTION The Fourth meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP-4) was held from 2nd to 13th November 1998 in Buenos Aires, Argentina.1 With representatives from about 180 countries, numerous Non-Governmental Organisations and the press, more than 5000 participants struggled and argued about climate change and how the Kyoto follow-up-process should be organised. COP-4 brought no significant progress for the mitigation of climate change. For real breakthroughs to take place to occur, the meeting took place too shortly after COP-3 (Kyoto, December 1997) There was not enough time (and only one meeting of the official Subsidiary Bodies to the Convention in June 1998 in Bonn) to prepare further decisions. Moreover, COP-4 threatened to fail after the opening of the conference by the Secretary of Natural Resources and Sustainable Development of Argentina who was elected President of COP-4. With support of the United States Argentina had launched an initiative to invite non-Annex I Parties to establish voluntary commitments under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate change (UNFCCC).2 Voluntary commitments by non-Annex I Parties had already been discussed amidst much controversy in Kyoto and afterwards, with most developing countries opposing this idea. After intensive discussions during the opening session of COP-4 Argentina was forced to withdraw this proposal and the conference could take up its work. In Buenos Aires, delegates discussed items on a long agenda including Activities Implemented Jointly (AIJ), ‘Flexible Mechanisms’ and commitments of non-Annex I-Countries. All these items were subject to very controversial arguments between industrialised and developing countries, but within these groups as well heavy debates took place and it was not possible to reach consensus on the different positions. The remaining open questions were summarised in the so-called “Buenos Aires Action Plan” which was adopted by delegates at the end. With this plan the parties demonstrate their will to reach substantial progress on the questions of financial mechanisms, the development and transfer of technologies, the adequacy of commitments, Activities Implemented Jointly under the Pilot Phase and the Mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol no later than COP-6 at the end of the year 2000.

Growing demand for transport biofuels in the EU is driving an expansion of the industry in developing countries. Large-scale production of energy crops for biofuel, if mismanaged, could cause detrimental environmental and social impacts. The aim of this study is to examine whether the newly adopted EU Directive 2009/28/EC and its sustainability certification system can effectively ensure sustainable production of biofuels outside the EU. Mozambique, a least developed country with biofuels ambitions, is selected as empirical case. The effectiveness of the EU policy in analysed employing ideal models of external governance (hierarchical, market and network governance) as analytical framework. The findings show that the EU attempts to impose its rules and values on sustainable biofuels using its leverage through trade. The market approach adopted by the EU is expected to produce only unstable (subject to abrupt changes of market prices and demand) and thin (limited to climate and biodiversity issues) policy results. Stronger emphasis on a network oriented approach based on substantial involvement of foreign actors, and on international policy legitimacy is suggested as a way forward.

Abstract This paper approaches provision of affordable and reliable electricity in Small Island Developing States (SIDS) as a case of public good provision. It aims to contribute to our understanding of how regime type and the quality of implementing institutions within political systems affect the prerequisites for successful electrification in SIDS. More specifically, we analyse the independent and interdependent effects of level of democracy and control of corruption on per capita household electricity consumption in SIDS, using data from 34 SIDS over the period 1996–2009. The results show that although the independent effects of level of democracy and control of corruption are sensitive to model specification, these two factors do have an interdependent impact on per capita household electricity consumption: democratization has positive effects on provision of electricity to the general population only when there is a certain level of corruption control in place. The results imply a) that it is important for policy actors to acknowledge the interaction between regime type and the quality of implementing institutions, and b) when planning electrification projects in SIDS, it is necessary to have information about the social and political context in order to design the most effective projects.

Abstract Although electricity is one of the most important determinants of successful industrialization, many countries do not provide sufficient amounts of electricity at reasonable prices for industrialization. In order to inquire into the causes behind this, we investigate the factors that influence electricity tariffs for agricultural consumers at the state level in India. We conduct a dynamic panel data analysis using data for seventeen major states in India for the period from 1992 to 2012. Our estimation results suggest that as the Gini coefficient of landowning rises, the agricultural electricity tariffs become lower. However, the rural population share does not significantly affect agricultural electricity tariffs. These results indicate that state governments are responsive to the demands of large farmers (rural elites) but not to the demands of farmers more generally (rural masses). Our results are consistent with elite politics but not mass politics. Low electricity tariffs for agricultural consumers have caused insufficient investment in the infrastructure necessary for the expansion of industries, as well as high electricity tariffs for industrial consumers, which may have adversely affected the industrialization of state economies in India.