This proposal seeks to assess how migration governance has been influenced by the recent ‘refugee crisis’, and how crises at large shape policy responses on migration. Since the beginning of the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2014, different policy responses have been put forward by governments and international organisations alike. Albeit very different from one another, these different responses had two common traits: - They were generally presented as the sole realistic solution in the face of a situation that was often characterized as ‘unsustainable’. - They were often geared towards a more efficient control and surveillance of the borders. As the humanitarian crisis and the dire situation in countries such as Italy, Greece or Hungary should have prompted more cooperation in the EU, policy responses usually hinted at less cooperation, with the notable exception of the control and surveillance of the EU external border. This meant that the humanitarian crisis in the Mediterranean soon transformed into a political crisis with the EU, culminating in the Brexit referendum, where the issue of border control played a decisive role in the decision of the British electorate to leave the EU. As an attempt to revive the idea of a global governance of migration, the United Nations issued on 19 September 2016 the New York Declaration, which led to the launch of the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees - both are them are still being negotiated at the time of submitting this proposal. Therefore, MAGYC seeks to appraise these policy responses in the light of the crisis and assess their efficiency for the long-term governance of migration.

Abstracts are not currently available in GtR for all funded research. This is normally because the abstract was not required at the time of proposal submission, but may be because it included sensitive information such as personal details.

Within the ESRC core area of the 'Dynamics of Inequalities', this proposed multidisciplinary GCRF Research Network will focus its efforts on women's labour force participation and gender inequality in eight countries in three world regions: Iran and Turkey in the Middle East; Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia in North Africa; and Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka in South Asia. In doing so, it also plans to draw on the related experience and expertise of researchers who have examined the same topic in Greece, Italy and Spain in Southern Europe. This Network will concentrate its efforts in two areas: 1) the interplay of economic structures, policies and institutions in determining women's access to employment and 2) the patterns of women's economic participation as key determinants of gender inequality and social inequality in general. Of central concern in the Middle East and North Africa (the MENA region) is the apparent contradiction that while the educational gaps between women and men have narrowed and women have experienced rapid declines in their fertility rates, female labour force participation (FLFP) rates remain the lowest of any region in the world. In the countries of South Asia, despite variations between countries, average rates are the third lowest in the world, after the Middle East and North Africa. Hence, one of the central concerns of this Network will be to help develop a research agenda that could contribute to explaining why female labour force participation rates are relatively low in these three regions despite their structural differences, and to leverage this contribution to help account for income inequality across households as well as across women themselves. The Southern European countries, particularly the three countries of Greece, Italy and Spain, are very interesting because they have a history of similar problems of social and gender inequalities and there is a rich literature upon which the researchers in this proposed Network could draw to help explain the nature of the historical trends in MENA and South Asia. The exploratory work of this proposed Network in the above eleven countries will concentrate on four major research-related questions. (1) What are the impediments to women's access to jobs? (2) What are the effects on the household-level well-being of women's lack of employment and income? (3) What is the relationship between gender inequality and labour-market segmentation and what is the effect of gender inequality on broader forms of social inequality and income inequality? (4) What are the data requirements for addressing such research issues and what information gaps need to be filled? In pursuing this agenda, our proposed Network will include researchers from academic and non-academic institutions (including NGOs) with vital and extensive experience in our area of focus. Included in these efforts will be PhD students as well as early career researchers. The Network members will constitute a multidisciplinary group, spanning the areas of economics, development studies, sociology, anthropology, demography, statistics and law. These researchers will come together in three workshops, two in London and one in Cairo (the latter in collaboration with the ERF), in order to collectively and intensively discuss the relevant issues and explore potential areas of research on women's labour force participation and gender inequality. As a result of these discussions, the network researchers will be organised into thematic working groups whose members will maintain contact with one another between workshops and will contribute inputs into the Research Briefs and Final Report produced by the Network as a whole. Additional activities of this network will include organising panels at various international conferences and the active dissemination of the network's outputs to other interested researchers, NGOs and international institutions such as the World Bank, ILO & UN Women.

This project is about climate change, conflict and how they are entangled in post-war Sri Lanka. There are currently no ethnographic studies of the social life of climate change, or the process of adaptation, in communities affected by civil conflict. This study will address this through ethnographic research of a climate change adaptation intervention in Sri Lanka's Dry Zone - a site of unresolved ethnic conflict, already experiencing the effects of climate change. This research will form links between the anthropology of climate change, theorisations of risk and danger (Beck 2007; Douglas 1992), analyses of Sri Lanka's 'ethnic' conflict (Tambiah 1986) and literature considering the politicisation of disaster (Simpson 2014). In doing so, it seeks to move beyond existing ethnographic accounts of 'living in denial' in the West (Norgaard 2011) and culturally-bound interpretations of climate change in the Global South (Lipset 2011; Rudiak-Gould 2013). Research Questions 1) How is the risk of climate change perceived by Tamil and Sinhalese Sri Lankans in the wake of a violent conflict? 2) To what extent will ethnic conflict coalesce around, or be dissipated by, the process of adaptation? 3) In what ways will the legacies of the conflict shape adaptation policy? Methodology and Timetable of Research Mixed-ethnic communities in the Dry Zone that are currently being targeted by a $38,000,000 intervention will form the context of this study. This intervention was initiated by the Sri Lankan government and is co-funded by the Green Climate Fund and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Broadly, it aims to 'strengthen the resilience of smallholder farmers in the Dry Zone to climate variability and extreme events' (UNDP 2017), with emphasis on the necessity of inter-ethnic co-operation. Year 1 I have been refining my research questions and receiving further methods training during the MA in Anthropological Research Methods at SOAS. I have also been learning Sinhala and Tamil. Years 2-3 12 months of fieldwork in Sri Lanka will deploy the following methods, corresponding to the research questions outlined above. 1) After two months of language training in Colombo, I will spend seven months conducting ethnographic fieldwork in two communities targeted by the intervention: one in the district of Anuradhapura, where the Sinhalese form the ethnic majority, and one in Vavuniya, where the Tamils do. Through participant observation of daily life and in-depth interviews with Sinhalese and Tamil villagers, research will focus on individual and collective memories of the conflict, the history of rural development in the area, perceptions of the changing climate, and the ways in which memories of past traumas shape the perception of climate-based risk. 2) By taking part in co-operative community adaptation activities and studying their management within the community, the extent to which ethnic tension coalesces around the process of adaptation will be studied ethnographically. 3) The remaining three months will be spent conducting participant observation of policymaking in Colombo. I will attend workshops and roundtable events for environmental NGOs and policymakers, study policy documents, and interview local environmental activists and climate scientists. Years 3-4 I will write-up my findings and disseminate them to stakeholders in Colombo and the wider development community. The findings of this study will be of direct relevance to local policymakers such as the Sri Lankan government's Ministry of Mahaweli Development and Environment, local implementing NGOs and international development agencies (IWMI, Green Climate Fund, United Nations Development Programme). I will engage these actors during the design phase, with the aim that they become stakeholders in the project and implements its finings.