2019 presents a watershed in how the EU will be perceived globally, balancing renewal against disruption. Global disruption has become a contemporary EU phenomenon. The trigger of Article 50 created shockwaves that questioned EU solidarity, the direction of integration and the EU’s effectiveness as a global player. The Trump Presidency has similarly undermined the Trans-Atlantic consensus on norms and values. Russia has re-emerged as a disruptor for Europe. Together these phenomena fundamentally affect 3rd country expectations of the EU. The EU Global Strategy has become central to balancing these expectations as it seeks to redefine strategic priorities, threats and principles.Additionally, 2019 provides an opportunity for EU leadership renewal through European Parliament elections and the selection of new Council and Commission Presidents and the High Representative for FASP. How will this “new EU” be viewed internationally? The proposed Network – Renewal versus Global Disruption - Asia’s Expectations of the EU traces the impact of this new context from the perspective of key EU Asian partners - China, Indonesia, Japan and Korea. Building on previous research conducted by P1, EXPECT examines how these countries’ expectations towards the EU’s global role are affected by a changing international environment and leadership renewal. How is the implementation of the EUGS perceived externally? Is it effective? How does Brexit, Trump and Russia alter expectations? Can the EU successfully profile its new leadership team in 3rd countries? Methodologically, EXPECT analyzes Asian press and e-media opinion-making discourses, communications by official and think tanks and views of opinion-shaping elites. It also examines how EU Delegations in Asia communicate EUGS priorities via social media. Change will be studied in each country and comparatively – across locations and across time drawing on P1’s internationally recognised “EU Global Perceptions” research.

The project examines the practice of EU Cultural Diplomacy (CD) and its effect on third countries. Led by a multinational consortium with researchers from seven institutes in six countries (Denmark, Poland, New Zealand, Japan, India and Israel), REACTIK's activities and research methods address the participants’ considerable geopolitical diversity and the role played by each institute within this array. In order to provide a comprehensive picture of EU CD outside EU borders, the project’s non-EU partners conducted in-depth field research to examine how EU CD is enacted in their countries, while also evaluating its influence on relevant actors in the political, cultural, and social fields. Simultaneously, EU partners theorized about the EU mode of operation, creating designated research tools that can evaluate political activity. The project’s main goal was to advance theoretical thought in this developing area of policy, since there is a significant gap between the scope of CD activity and the academic ability to examine, evaluate and understand its implications. The project resulted in a number of unexpected theoretical and practical outcomes and contributions that were unforeseen at the development stage. The Project’s researchers, who spent years examining and developing the discipline, produced several unexpected by-products, such as curriculums, courses, academic structures and academic publications. Moreover, preoccupation with CD alongside significant global transformations that took place during the project, COVID-19 in particular, increased general interest in exploring new diplomacy – whether online, digital or cultural. These developments did not go unnoticed by the members of the consortium who utilized the tools they created in order to present these new developments in international academic conferences and publications.The project included:1.CD research methodology as a political tool: in the absence of a coherent theory and research tools for academically evaluating CD, the partners developed a methodological toolbox: “The Study of EU Cultural Diplomacy - A Toolbox.” The essay lays the groundwork for developing a conceptual perception that will enable academic research on EU to use culture as a diplomatic tool. 2.Analysis of national test cases to evaluate EU CD practices in third countries: project’s multinational teams developed research methodologies for properly evaluating EU political practices while taking into account each country’s unique conditions as reflected in each country’s distinct historical development vis-à-vis the EU, its geographical location, its economy and how it is perceived by the EU. This is the very heart of the Project, reflecting the existing methodological and research diversity through which one can approach the issue of CD. The resulting four essays, illustrate the various team members’ disciplinary traditions and methodologies in fields such as sociology, art and culture, communication and international relations.3.Development of resource centers (RC): CD is a constantly-evolving field of policy. In response to the need for a regularly-updated body of knowledge that will be able to monitor the development and accumulation of cultural activity, the Project established institutional RCs which will continue to serve researchers, students, stakeholders and people in the cultural scene. 4.Consortium meetings: throughout the project, consortium members convened periodically and developed the discipline’s underlying research methodology and academic infrastructure. These meetings, which included many experts as well, became multi-disciplinary think tanks.5.Distribution and publication: establishment of a website alongside academic conferences and events.

The Indo-Pacific is critical to the EU’s goal of securing “a stronger Europe in the world”. In 2021, the EU released its Indo-Pacific strategy – an ambitious and wide-ranging strategy with an overarching aim of “maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific for all while building strong and lasting partnerships.” However, the EU’s decision to attempt to solidify and consolidate its Indo-Pacific presence is occurring at a time of significant regional unrest and uncertainty caused by an ongoing deterioration in Sino-American relations. As demonstrated by the UK’s foray into geopolitics via its membership in the AUKUS trilateral security pact and release of its own Indo-Pacific strategy, the EU’s Indo-Pacific role faces complexities. While the EU has the potential to play a significant and independent role in the region, it is imperative that this envisioned role is also shared by the various countries that reside there – otherwise the EU runs the risk of losing relevance and effectivness. This Network – encompassing EU and Indo-Pacific partners – will assess the critical question of “what is the most effective role for the EU in the Indo-Pacific?” The EU’s effectiveness in the region will rely on accurate contemporary knowledge of the states of the Indo-Pacific. This Network will create a unique grouping of EU and Indo-Pacific expertise (involving a mixture of academics, think-tankers, and foreign policy officials from both the EU and third countries) to conduct interviews, engage in Delphi style policy debates, and “policy sandpits” in eight Indo-Pacific countries: Australia, China, Indonesia, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. Early career researchers (especially post-docs and PhD students) from all the participating universities will be heavily involved in the project as well. The Network will provide high-level foreign policy analysis, forecasting, and outputs that will be of significant use for practitioners in the European External Actions